The Conflict at the Centre
PUBLIC RECORD Sasun Khachatryan was appointed Head of the Special Investigation Service (SIS) in 2018, in the months immediately following the Velvet Revolution. SIS was the elite Armenian investigative body whose mandate covered economic crimes by senior officials -- ministers, deputies, judges, heads of state corporations. The agency's caseload routinely included the highest-profile state-corruption files in the country.
His brother, Davit Khachatryan, has served as Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Open Society Foundations-Armenia since 2016. OSF-Armenia is the Armenian arm of the Open Society Foundations network founded by George Soros. As board chair, Davit Khachatryan participates in the governance decisions that determine which Armenian non-governmental organisations, civic-society projects, journalism initiatives, legal-reform programmes and academic-research grants receive OSF funding. The board sets the strategic direction of OSF-Armenia and ratifies the grant-making programme.
This is the structural conflict-of-interest at the centre of Armenia's post-2018 anti-corruption regime. The senior official tasked with deciding which Armenian government corruption to investigate is the sibling of the senior board member who decides which Armenian non-government actors receive a major external funder's money. Both men hold their positions simultaneously. Both men's positions touch the same Armenian institutions -- the same NGOs that receive OSF grants are also actors who file complaints with anti-corruption enforcement, who appear in court as plaintiffs or witnesses, and whose reform proposals shape the legislation that anti-corruption enforcement applies.
The Career Sequence
CHRONOLOGY The sequence is documented in Armenian-government press releases and EVN Report's reporting on the post-Velvet enforcement architecture:
- 2018: Appointed Head of SIS in the months following the Velvet Revolution. The appointing authority is the Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia -- Nikol Pashinyan.
- 2018-2021: Heads SIS through the most politically sensitive cases of the immediate post-Velvet period -- including investigations into senior officials of the previous government and into figures from the Republican-Party era political-economic structure.
- 2021: SIS is dissolved into the new Anti-Corruption Committee (ACC), which takes over the economic-crimes mandate. Sasun Khachatryan is appointed Head of the ACC.
- 2021-2025: Heads the ACC for four years. The committee handles state-corruption cases through this period.
- 2025: Exits the position. The exit circumstances are reported in Armenian press but the full public record of the resignation reasons remains incomplete in the open-source materials we have reviewed.
The continuous mandate spans seven years. Across two institutional names, Khachatryan was the consistent senior face of Armenia's anti-corruption enforcement. He was the official a citizen, a journalist, or a foreign embassy would speak to about the question: "what happened to that corruption case?"
The Family Position
PUBLIC RECORD Davit Khachatryan, the brother, is a former senior US-government employee:
- U.S. Department of Justice (Resident Legal Adviser programme), 2006-2013.
- U.S. Embassy in Yerevan during the same period.
- Vice-Rector of the Academy of Justice (Armenia) at points in his post-DOJ career.
- Chairman of the Board of OSF-Armenia from 2016 onwards (the position he holds at time of writing).
The combination of credentials is not random. A former US DOJ Resident Legal Adviser becomes the board chair of the Armenian arm of an American philanthropic network. He is the institutional bridge between the US-government-trained Armenian legal-reform world and the Soros-network civil-society world. His brother runs the Armenian state institution that does the criminal investigations on the targets the same civil-society world has identified.
OWL is not asserting that any specific case was opened, closed, or steered for improper reasons. We are noting that the structural overlap was visible to anyone who looked, and that no formal recusal regime ever required disclosure of which cases involving OSF-Armenia grantees, their board members, or institutional partners passed through SIS or ACC during the brother's tenure.
What An Audit Would Examine
For the next government, the seven-year file from SIS to ACC is reviewable. The questions an honest audit would put on the table:
- Recusals: Did Sasun Khachatryan formally recuse himself from any case involving an OSF-Armenia grantee, an OSF-Armenia board member, or an institution where his brother held simultaneous office? If yes, how many recusals over seven years? If no, why not?
- Case-opening pattern: What share of high-profile state-corruption cases opened in 2018-2025 targeted figures associated with the pre-Velvet political-economic structure versus figures associated with the post-Velvet government? Both categories existed. Both should appear in the case file in proportion to the underlying base rate of corruption -- not in proportion to the political alignment of the prosecutor.
- Closures: Which high-profile cases were opened and then closed without indictment? On what stated grounds? With what supporting evidence?
- Indictments: Which cases proceeded to indictment? With what conviction rate? With what sentences obtained?
- NGO-network proximity: Of the cases involving NGO-sector actors as either targets, witnesses, or complainants, what was the proximity to OSF-Armenia's grantee network? Did any case file include a witness who was simultaneously employed by an OSF-Armenia grantee organisation?
- The 2025 exit: What were the actual circumstances of the resignation? Was it voluntary, prompted by political pressure, prompted by a specific case, or part of a broader Pashinyan-government reshuffle?
- Asset declarations: The full 2018-2025 declarations for both Sasun Khachatryan and his immediate family.
The Pipeline Pattern
Sasun Khachatryan is the law-enforcement node in the Soros-NGO-to-Government pipeline that OWL has documented across multiple Pashinyan-era appointments. The pattern in those profiles is consistent: an NGO career or NGO-funded grant career produces credibility, then the person is placed in a senior state position, while the original NGO funder retains influence through the network rather than through any single individual.
Sasun Khachatryan is the variant where the NGO connection runs through the family rather than through the individual's own grant history. His brother is the funder-network official; he is the enforcement official. The two roles are never directly combined in a single person's CV, which is why the conflict has gone largely undiscussed in mainstream Armenian press. But the structural effect is identical to the cleaner direct-grantee cases: the post-Velvet enforcement regime had, at its top, a person whose closest family member sat on the board of one of the most influential foreign-philanthropic networks operating inside Armenia.
Why This Matters Now
Six weeks before the June 7, 2026 parliamentary election, the post-Velvet Civil Contract government is asking voters to renew its mandate. Part of that mandate has rested on the claim that the 2018 revolution changed Armenia's anti-corruption regime -- that the new enforcement bodies were independent, professional, and free of the conflicts that had compromised the previous architecture.
The Sasun Khachatryan-Davit Khachatryan family overlap, undisclosed in any formal recusal record we have located, is one of the strongest single counter-arguments to that claim. A new regime cannot credibly claim independence from network influence when the senior enforcement official has, throughout, a family-line interface to one of the most active foreign philanthropic networks in the country.
The next government inherits seven years of files. It also inherits the policy question: should anti-corruption enforcement be permitted to operate, in the future, with these family-overlap relationships undisclosed at the moment of appointment?
Connected Files
- OWL Investigations Index -- the full series of post-Velvet pipeline cases.
- Other Soros-pipeline profiles in this Left Behind series: see #41 Anahit Manasyan (Tavitian Scholar in justice system), #42 Armen Ghazaryan (Tavitian Scholar in migration policy), and the broader Soros/NGO Pipeline investigation file.
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